Farmlands

Agri-Culture and Agriculture
Illustration: Nawang Tankhe

Agri-Culture and Agriculture

Himkatha

Agriculture on the earth is about 10,000-12,000 years old and it appeared in India about 8000-9000 years ago. From hunting and gathering in the forests, how humans came to produce grains and how the entire process must have grown and spread across migrants, communities, regions and countries – is a fascinating history by itself. But have we ever paused to wonder or ask, what was it about agriculture that so many millennia later, it continues to be the principal foundation of our lives, relevance and survival and the main yardstick of our life’s fertility and continuous existence?

The primary significance of agriculture lies in its role as the provider of our food, sustaining our physical well-being and activity. However, its significance extends beyond mere sustenance. For instance, let me ask you, the food that we eat, does that affect us only physically? The straight answer to that is – No! Besides producing food for our physical body, the entire process of agriculture nurtures our minds and souls, transforming us into individuals capable of thoughtful contemplation with wisdom. This, in turn, has given birth to or impacted all aspects of our lives, be these physical, mental or spiritual, and social, economic and cultural. Just take a look around yourself and you will realize that there is no aspect of our society and lives – be it our meditations on the forests or the water, or our livelihood resources or artistic endeavours – which has not emanated or developed as a result of our agricultural pursuits. In different times and space, struggling through various passages and milestones, agriculture has nurtured human and social survival and our civilizations; and the society too, by making it a major part of one’s daily life, thought and sociability. Thus, it has given birth to and developed various aspects of social life and allowed itself to remain relevant.

Here, we are trying to look at the changes that have occurred in agriculture throughout its journey. For this, there are two aspects of agriculture that we need to look at a little closely – (1) Agriculture as the physical aspect or task of growing food crops; and (2) Going beyond the physical act of growing food and assimilating agriculture into the very nature of one’s social life, i.e. turning the entire process into agri-culture. For want of appropriate terminology let us call these as Agriculture and Agri-culture (Agri as Culture). Can you see the difference between the two – difference between the act of growing food and making the act as part of one’s culture? When we look from such a perspective, we can see that, if agriculture had remained just the physical act of growing food, then it would have become a mere profession but by developing it into agri-culture it has become a vocation and occupation that is at the very centre of our entire life. By turning it into agri-culture, an interactive bond developed between it and the society, leading to both learning and feeding from and giving to each other. This is why, no society ever, defined agriculture as a profession or trade nor treated it as such, but turned it into a life-style, which did not allow agriculture to remain stagnant and rooted but imbued it with the trait of “renewability”, enabling it across time and space, down to the needs and traits of every local community, in accordance with local experience, wisdom and sensibilities that enable it to remain relevant, alive and forever in step with the times. The trait of renewability developed into a natural trait which gave society the “vardaan” of the everlasting – and which we call development.

By harping on this difference, and seeking to use the two terms “change” and “renewability” with two different meanings, I wish to see and analyse the changes that we are seeking to understand. It might be appropriate that we analyse the dimensions and meanings of these two terms, for a clearer understanding of the change that we are discussing.

Are the terms “change” and “renewability”, synonyms?

I think not, and this is what I am seeking to understand and explain. Further, if we can see “agriculture and agri-culture” and “change and renewability” in the context of each other then we may be able to grasp better the essence of change in this sector in the last fifty odd years. For this, we may need to compare these in two distinct time eras.

The changes that have happened in agri-culture in the last 50 or so years are actually the consequence of changes in society that began with the advent of industrial revolution in Europe about two-three hundred years ago. That period provides a distinct dividing line across which we can clearly see an overall difference in the basic nature, belief, concept, action and result between agriculture and agri-culture. We can then clearly understand the cause and the impact of the changes that we have been witnessing in the last four-five decades.

The pre-industrial revolution 10-12 thousand years saw countless small and big changes. However, those changes happened in different times, in different places and amidst different communities and in accordance with retaining the balance of and in cooperation with the five elements. The genesis of those changes happened at specific local levels and no change was sudden but happened slowly as a result of close observation and experience over a long period. In other words, those changes had elements of deep reflection and experiment, wherein some experiments may have been fruitful and some not successful, immediately or over time, on the basis of which the society would have accepted, rejected, corrected or improved upon those. And such a process continued constantly. In fact, this entire process of doing, seeing, improving, adding on was what gave agriculture the trait that we are naming and explaining as “renewability” – wherein something new did not happen suddenly but grew on the foundation of the old and which sought to carry the old a few steps ahead.

Barahnaja, a traditional system of taking 12 crops in a year; Beej Bachao Andolan

What was special or specific about any such change or development was that it was based entirely on the experience and wisdom of the local farming community. As a result, there was a development of a repository of traditional knowledge which was not limited to grains and crops but assimilated understanding and knowledge of all natural resources. This encouraged at the local geographical level, diversity of crops growing in the field and the food being cooked in the kitchens. Not just that, its impact was seen and felt beyond local agriculture practice, on the development of native languages and proverbs, diverse folk arts and culture, and gave birth to the technology of making wood or metal implements and utensils. This is where, agriculture went beyond growing crops and adopted the wide character of what I have termed as agri-culture to become an intrinsic and inherent part of life, to become its lifestyle. It will not be an exaggeration to claim that it was this agri-culture which developed in the humans, observation based scientific temper and process which further developed among the humans, an understanding of climate and weather, botany and zoology, etc. Try to look at basic knowledge in any discipline and you will find that its seeds germinated as a result of and in the general environment created by agri-culture. Indeed, despite its very local nature and characteristics, agri-culture proved to assimilate within itself the vast and global natural vision. It became a close reflection of nature’s godly vision, and played a critical role in the existence and continued well-being of this earth.

If we take this entire spectrum together and borrow from the definition of democracy, we can say that the renewability in agri-culture is of the people, for the people, by the people. From concept to planning and execution, the entire responsibility and control remained with the local community.

Agri-culture which was life’s philosophy, a lifestyle is today a mere profession and mode of employment. In fact, it is no longer agri-culture and has reverted to being plain agriculture. Today, it is no longer a medium to enhance life but just to stay alive and afloat, to remain economically alive. The agriculture which is being encouraged and propagated today is no longer social but industrial, or in other words, the society no longer owns it but has rapidly been given to or taken over by the industrial and corporate companies. It is not based on the knowledge invented or developed by the farmers on the field, but the entire thought, observation, research and implementation is developed in the laboratory of some institution or company and then served as a package to the farmers. This is not part of agri-culture’s renewability emerging from the existing practice and from within the society and indeed, it is not even a change but an intentionally planned campaign (even, a conspiracy), a replacement deliberately imposed from the above and outside, to completely uproot this most important function in society. The cardinal characteristics of agri-culture were then steadily marginalized and erased.

This replacement about 50-60 years ago, which turned agri-culture on its head did not come with the Green Revolution (more appropriately called Greed Revolution) then but was the consequence of what had emerged as the industrial revolution two-three hundred years ago. And it started with de-legitimising traditional society’s existence, identity and knowledge by naming it ‘backward’ and following it up by seeking to shame people’s knowledge systems and their seeds. It was crucial and strategic that this society begin to have an inferiority complex about oneself. This was the first essential stage of the conspiracy. Once this was achieved, it was followed by a systematic replacement of the principles, methods, seeds with the means that it had created. As a result, a creative, productive and self-reliant society has today become a dependent slave farmer society.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

An important aspect of this change in India was the establishment of the institution of the Zamindari system, wherein the society itself saw its division into two distinct classes. This system, the “divide and rule” confiscated from farmers their independence and creativity and turned them into slaves at the village level itself. So, there is an entire stretch of an exploitative pattern, which later developed into the introduction and dominance of Green Revolution. In the course of the industrial revolution starting from Europe, all aspects of agri-culture were side-lined one by one. This started with terming the entire identity of character of a local society as backward. It was important, in fact, essential for new agriculture to establish itself by downgrading and marginalizing traditional knowledge systems and particularly, its local seeds, and for the people to feel ashamed of their own rich traditions. Once this was done, it was followed by introducing and establishing its own means and resources. The net result of this was that a productive farming society has today become an enslaved, dependent society.

Let us try to understand this through an example or two.

Earlier, seeds of any grain or produce came from the farmers themselves and whose ownership was theirs, collectively. Any seed needed, in the first instance, came from their own homes, or neighbours, or village, or neighbouring villages. Those were seeds which bred and prospered in the soil and water of the respective village, were acclimatized to the local geographical conditions and situations, and which were also the reasons that resulted in their tremendous diversity.  Consequently, this diversity enabled the seeds or crops to develop characteristics to suit every season, every taste, every health point of view and which provided them with tremendous disease resistance and ensured the society remarkable prosperity.

This led people to develop their own exchange traditions and practices – seeds travelled from one farmer to another, one community to another, one village to another, one society to another. For instance, a borrower did not have to pay the lender but only later, post-harvest returned to the lender double the amount (or whatever measure the community practiced) they had taken. A typical exchange practice also had a humanitarian aspect to it – for reasons of flood or drought or any other, if the crop failed, the borrower did not feel forced to return the lent amount to the lender – it was an unwritten understanding within the society. What this ultimately meant is that there was regular availability of seeds in the community.

Today, the system has been turned on its head. The control over seeds has been usurped from the farmers’ hands to the company’s control – and the farmers from the producer and master has become a mere customer bound by the company’s many conditions of restriction, rising cost and despair – all that farmers today understand clearly and suffer, but are not in a position to do anything about it.

Let us look at another example on this. Today, as the harvest begins to fall rapidly after a year or more, farmers need to change the seeds – and actually, purchase new ones. This considerably enhances the farmers’ input costs. The fall in production, is a basic failing of any crop or seed, which farmers were well aware of. However, earlier, farmers did not need to change their seeds as frequently or rapidly as they do now. And even then, farming communities had developed their own mechanisms of seed-change. At the first level, they would merely change the field (avoid growing a crop in the same field every year), and change seeds only after considerable number of years. The entire system of seed change, from concept to practice was in the farmers’ or community control, and so it continued to remain even after seed exchange. But today, with what guile and cleverness, this community practice has been taken away from their hands and turned into a practice of excessive profit of the companies.

Illustration: Nawang Tankhe

Likewise, comparing old agri-culture and new agriculture, we can see how a farmer in their practice has gone from being a self-reliant producer to becoming a mere consumer, from being a master to becoming an employee, service provider or servant. And agri-culture which was critical or foundational to maintain the ecological balance of the earth, has through consumption and exploitation become a trade and profession. Our food crops are no longer a gift of nature but are a market product. Farmers who had a god-like status of being providers of food have today become mere service providers to large companies.

Don’t you find it strange or doesn’t it trouble you that farmers are possibly the only producers who do not determine the price of their produce, unlike manufacturing companies that fix the price of their own manufactured material, and consumers readily pay that price. Not just determine the price but also raise or lower that to suit their convenience, for profit or even as a nefarious act. We normally do not pay attention to this or choose to ignore it.

Many institutions and organisations are trying to address these issues. Of late, the growing acceptance of organic food crops have increased the demand for mountain produce – which, in any case, are organic by default, and which have allowed more and more organisations to work with farmers. For a while it appeared that, at last, we will be able to look up to the farmers and regard them for the honour that is rightfully theirs. But, in reality, has it helped?  When you look at the wider picture, you realise that this is yet another scenario of the initiative being trapped in the grips of the market and companies. Instead of re-establishing the ecological and natural values of agri-culture, organic is rapidly being assimilated into the market system. What the organisations are doing are ultimately only fighting the market within the existing market concept, instead of looking for their own markets.  It is an unequal battle where the rules are laid down by and controlled by the market. How can you battle the market in the latter’s arena?

As such, earlier the farmers cultivated for their families and communities, today they are essentially cultivating for the market. And a good test can be, to find out how many of such successful farmers wish their children to go in to farming.

If we can grasp the essence of the basic differences between agriculture and agri-culture, we will be able to see more clearly the location of local and global changes happening in farming. Hopefully, that would enable us to determine our future course of action better.

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People and their land
Pea harvest in Kee village | Photo: Prasenjeet Yadav

People and their land

Himkatha

Parts of Lahaul-Spiti and Kinnaur that fall above an elevation of 2500m are home to traditionally agro-pastoral societies. People who have combined farming and horticulture with rearing livestock as a dual source of living. Success at growing barley, a crop that can tolerate cold temperatures, allowed people to farm and hence inhabit high-altitude areas about 3,600 years ago. Agricultural land was historically held through semi-feudal arrangements – by the appointment officials who were given powers to collect taxes. Over centuries the traditional crops ranged from varieties of barley (at least four varieties that were locally known as kneu, soa, nenak, and eumo), to buckwheat (known locally as ogla and phafda or kaathu), and black peas. Horticultural produce included varieties of apricots and apples, especially in Kinnaur. In addition to helping plough farms, livestock were a source of many essentials: protein, dairy, wool and manure. The region’s remoteness and sparse population made cooperation in farming essential. Clear rules to manage water, pastures and other essential village common resources have been practiced for centuries. Farming enabled subsistence with surpluses being traded.  Such trade involved barter that was largely regional. Annual trade fairs held at Ladarcha (Spiti), Kullu and Lavi (Rampur-Bushahr) provided occasions for such exchange.

Agriculture began to transform soon after India’s independence in 1947. Himachal Pradesh witnessed land reforms in the form of four separate acts that were enacted between 1953 and 1968. In addition to a ceiling on the amount of land that could be owned individually, ownership rights of land were granted to those who had traditionally cultivated them under old semi-feudal arrangements. Land for farming was allotted to landless individuals, a landmark reform referred to as nautor. Even though there were discrepancies in land holdings and allotments, the laws ensured that almost every household owned land for agriculture. Another key factor that went on to influence farming was the setting up of cooperative societies with the aim of preventing outsiders exploiting local people because of their isolation.

Illustration: Nawang Tankhe

Lahaul

Set to the north-east of Manali across Rohtang La, Lahaul was the most remote part of this region remaining cut-off during winter. Enterprising Lahaulis set up an informal Muleteers  society in Manali in the 1950s, where they used to come in the winters to rent mules or to work as labour. This arrangement let them fix rates they would charge and prevent any exploitation. This ran successfully without any formal support or intervention until the road over the Rohtang La was built in 1967. A Kuth Cooperative Marketing Society, established in 1959, was the first registered cooperative set up by Lahaulis in Manali in order to stabilise kuth prices and explore new markets. The roots of the kuth plant, introduced in Lahaul around 1925 from Jammu and Kashmir, has medicinal values and is a non-perishable item. Kuth cultivation was a success and probably brought local Lahauli farmers their first substantial financial gain by planting 10–15% of their fields with kuth. Though kuth prices started to decline in the 1960s, this success marked the start of the region’s experiments with commercial crops which continues to this day.

Potato was first introduced into Lahaul in 1860 by Moravian missionaries. Local climatic conditions offered an advantage as it enabled Lahualis to produce off-season vegetables. In 1965, as kuth prices began to fall, a meeting was held in Keylong where a few leading farmers of Lahaul held discussions with scientists and potato growers of Punjab. Some potato growers from Jallandhar assured the purchase of their entire first crop at rates that would give farmers higher returns than kuth. All preparation for potato cultivation were completed months before the closing of the Rohtang pass in winter. In 1966 the first batch of disease-free seed potato was exported from Lahaul. This led to the formation of the Lahaul Potato Cooperative Marketing Society (or simply, Lahaul Potato Society) in 1966 with just 20 farmers. Farmers had soon realised that potato cultivation would not be financially viable without collective action to influence the market to which all the farmers were vulnerable. The Lahaul Potato Society thus set out to procure, store and market agricultural and horticultural produce of the region. It worked closely with the Central Potato Research Institute that had come up in Shimla in 1956.  These collaborations brought in knowledge of contemporary farming techniques and access to fertilisers. By the mid-1970s potato became the most prominent produce of Lahaul, with very small portions remaining under barley and buckwheat. Seed potatoes were being marketed to Gujarat, West Bengal and Maharashtra with small amounts going as far as Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. By 1975 the Society was not only financially viable but it also started gathering assets and venturing into other services. At its peak, the Lahaul Potato Society was India’s second largest cooperative after Amul.

When prices of potatoes fell in 1979-80 and again in 1984-85, the Society lobbied with the State government to ensure a support price for their produce. The Society supported diversification through the promotion of hops cultivation in 1973-74, and later with the introduction of green peas in 1984. Cultivation of green peas picked up in the following decade, with farmers switching from potato to peas. Since green peas was perishable, the Society’s role in its marketing remained limited to offering a support price in the case of a crisis. Farmers initially sold their produce in markets directly by taking heavy risks. In time, private buyers emerged who bought green peas directly from the farms at attractive prices. This led to the expansion of green peas cultivation across Lahaul, and to surrounding areas. Currently, Lahaulis grow newer off-season vegetables like cauliflower, purple cabbage and iceberg (lettuce) which are more profitable than green peas and are also procured by private buyers. Potatoes are still cultivated, but its acreage remains marginal. The Lahaul Potato Society remains active in the region and continues to work on the principle of pooling prices, costs and risks. In its nearly 60 years of running, the Society managed to prevent political influence in its administration with its management focusing on the broader collective benefit of Lahaulis. Over the years, farming in Lahaul transformed from being a subsistence-based livelihood to a lucrative cash-crop based occupation.

Organically grown iceberg lettuce in Lahaul | Photo: Tashi Angroop

Kinnaur

Within Kinnaur we especially focus on the Hangrang valley that falls in upper Kinnaur at elevations above 2500 m. Set around the confluence of the Spiti river and Sutlej, farming in this region faced multiple challenges due to its remoteness even though it remained accessible in winter. Subsistence based farming and livestock rearing were the mainstay in the region, alongside active trade with Tibet via the Shipki La. The Indo-China war of 1962 led to the development of infrastructure along the border, but affected trade ties that the locals traditionally had with Tibet.

Apple was first introduced in Himachal Pradesh around 1916 and soon these parts were identified for horticultural development. Kinnauras were encouraged to grow temperate fruits such as apples, cherries, apricots, pears, almonds and walnuts. Kinnaur did grow potatoes, also registering a Society in 1962 and one in 1981 for upper Kinnaur, but its cultivation almost always remained marginal. Upper Kinnaur switched to green peas as a cash crop and by the late 1980s, its production was picking up. Kinnaur’s economic switch to a cash-crop based economy, thus began to take shape from the late 1980s.

In 1988, about 70% of cultivable land in Kinnaur was still under traditional crops such as buckwheat and barley, with green peas providing cash. Hill slopes had begun to be occupied by apple, which took up to 15 years to bear marketable fruits. By the mid-1990s, apple became a prominent source of livelihood. With the adoption of apple, came newer techniques of orchard management and the introduction of synthetic fertilisers and pesticides. Today, green peas cultivation remains restricted in pockets as apple plantations are fast replacing them. Farming in upper Kinnaur has almost completely switched to horticultural produce, with a rising demand for land that can be brought under apple production. This boom in apple production has become possible because of the warming of temperatures due to which the apple belt appears to have migrated higher to this cold and dry mountain zone. It is a rare example of how changing climate may have created opportunities for the community, while also creating several vulnerabilities.

Apples of Himachal Pradesh | Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Spiti

Set between Lahaul to one side and Kinnaur to the other, Spiti is probably the highest and coldest part of this region. Though technically Spiti remains accessible in winter, it was the region farthest from any large town of prominence. This reflects in the fact that while Spiti too is moving from subsistence crops to cash crops, its transition is the most gradual.

The two prominent crops of this valley were barley and black peas. Spiti too experimented with potato and set up a Society in 1977, but potato production did not pick up as did in Lahaul. Many Spitian farmers felt that this was likely because the harvest of potatoes overlapped with that of barley, which was a more essential crop for subsistence. Spiti eventually began to experiment with green peas, and in the 1990s Spitian farmers traveled to Delhi for the sale of their produce. The production of green peas picked up significantly from the 2000s, when private buyers started to purchase their produce from their farms. Around 1990, barley was sown on 55% of the arable land, while peas occupied around 30%. By 2009 barley had fallen to 43% while green peas had risen to 51%, mainly by reducing cultivation of other marginal crops like black peas, wheat, masur dal, rajma and mustard that were cultivated for personal consumption. Today green peas are being cultivated in more than 75% of the fields, and most locals’ cultivating barley occasionally in a few years to fulfil household demand. The success of apple in the villages closer to Kinnaur has excited farmers to also start experimenting with apple plantation in the hope that apple orchards may eventually move even higher than Kinnaur. In 2023, a few farmers from Kee village succeeded in growing sample apples at an elevation of nearly 4000m, which has further increased hopes.

While Spiti is following a similar trajectory to Lahaul and Kinnaur in switching to cash crops, there is one aspect in which it still remains traditional. While Lahaul and Kinnaur have adopted the use of synthetic fertilisers and pesticides, Spiti has largely resisted this switch. While a decreasing interest in livestock rearing may have led farmers of Lahaul and Kinnaur with little choice, livestock rearing persists in Spiti and most farmers are skeptical of introducing synthetic supplements. Farmers buy organic livestock manure from as far as Changthang in Ladakh and are also buying poultry manure from the plains.

Apple orchards on the hill slopes of Kinnaur | Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Agriculture – a story of constant change

Agriculture in the high mountains of Himachal Pradesh has evolved continuously. Improving access and connectivity made it possible for farmers to take their produce to markets. With connectivity improving over the years, farmers have taken risks with growing perishable cash crops. Sometimes these risks also bring major losses, as they did in 2023 when unforeseen weather events caused widescale damage to infrastructure affecting transportation. However, in regular years the financial returns can be attractive. The advent of technology has further led to the adoption of locally relevant technical solutions. Farmers have diversified cropping and have been open to experiments, which have brought them financial rewards. They have balanced between selling their produce to cooperatives and private buyers. Rising incomes have let them broaden their aspirations, with younger generation getting opportunities for better education and greater exposure. Access to cash has also allowed farmers to hire labour, which was previously not possible. Many parts of Lahaul are now experimenting with various forms of contract farming where the profits are shared between the landowners and the labour who manage them. Remoteness may have brought out the dynamism of the farmers of Lahaul-Spiti and Kinnaur. The success of early experiments with cash crops by a handful of farmers paved the way for the entire region. Locals were aware of the risks they were exposed to on account of their remoteness, and they countered this challenge by setting up institutions and arrangements that distributed both the risks and rewards. In the process, cultivation of traditional crops has declined and is now limited to very small pockets.

Unlike several other Himalayan regions where farming is in severe decline, farming retains its significance in the region. With nearly all households of the region involved in agriculture, it forms a key source of income. And with almost all households owning land parcels on account of land reforms, almost every family has benefited financially, even though the benefits may vary with the size of land holding. This reflects in the fact that the districts of Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti rank second and third in terms of per capita incomes among the districts of Himachal Pradesh, and are well above the average per capita income of the country. There is a continuous demand for land to be brought under cultivation through the extension of nautor rules. A lot of this commercial success has also been possible because of the local climate, which has allowed these regions to supply off-season produce that fetch a premium. But with rising uncertainty in weather patterns, farmers and farming stand increasingly exposed to greater risks even as people’s relation with their land remains strong.

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Changes in Agriculture (Ladakh)
Illustration: Nawang Tankhe

Changes in Agriculture (Ladakh)

Himkatha

The rapid shift away from agriculture to other economic activities is a common trend in many agrarian economies globally, often driven by factors such as urbanization, changing lifestyles, and economic opportunities outside the agricultural sector. Agriculture in Ladakh is no exception.

In the traditional Ladakhi farming and food system, the sun provided the primary energy, enabling plant growth, muscle-based labour power and fast-flowing water for milling and irrigating. The fertility of the soil and crops came from recycling of manure and compost (lut, chulut, and the like) into the fields and from minerals in the glacial melt-water. ‘Packaging’ – if any – was in the form of hand-made woolen sacks, wooden and clay vessels, willow baskets, and masonry granaries, all of which could be safely returned to the soil after they wore out. Transportation of the crops was done with muscle power, and cooking done with local renewable fuels like dung cakes or wood sticks. Care was taken to conserve pasturelands through rotational grazing, and farmers tried to minimise harm done even to insects in the fields. The ecological footprint – meaning total ecological impacts including energy and water consumption, waste generation, etc. – was very low. In current terms, we could say that the traditional Ladakhi farming and food system was solar-powered, zero-external input, zero-waste, regenerative, closed-loop, and sustainable!

Today, while much of the traditional farming and food system continues to exist, it is steadily being eroded by a number of profound socio-economic changes. The environmental impacts of these changes are increasing year by year.

One of the important changes has been the decline of villages due to various reasons and the decline in farming-pastoralism systems that sustained them for centuries. The growth of tourism, the army, and competitive education have combined to drain young people, and young men in particular, out of the villages and into Leh, or even further away. As a result, there is less total labour available, and more farming work has fallen on village women and paid labour. Many fields that were once lush and green in the summers today lie fallow for lack of people to work them. With fewer people, livestock herds have decreased significantly, and in the case of goats and sheep nearly disappeared from many villages. While this change may have benefitted wild herbivores to some extent by reducing competition for forage, it has also reduced the amount of rich, organic local manure available for soil and crop nutrition. To make up for this, many farmers turn to the use of synthetic fertilisers which pollute both water and air, and are very energy-intensive to manufacture from fossil fuels.

Crops & Water

The decline of agriculture is also seen in the reduction of diversity in crops including pulses, cereals and pseudo cereals like buckwheat (although efforts are slowly being made to bring back buckwheat). Fewer local pulses like the traditional black bean in Ladakhi fields and kitchens diminishes the health of the local diet as well as local soils. Pulses naturally fix atmospheric nitrogen into the soil, so when they are planted there is no need for nitrogen fertilisers. Without them, however, an important source of natural fertility is lost. In terms of oilseeds, whereas Ladakhis formerly cultivated local mustard more extensively and produced much of their own edible oil, today mustard farming is also declining. Commercial edible oils, packaged in plastic bottles and trucked in from the Indian plains are now widely used in Ladakhi kitchens.

In the 14,000-foot village of Gya, farmers used to cultivate different varieties of barley because the area’s climate was conducive to their growth. Because of the region’s low temperatures, wheat is rarely grown in Ladakh’s eastern region. The people in that same region are currently cultivating over thirty-six to thirty-seven different kinds of grains and vegetables. Acho Urgain, from Gya village, says that this may be because he has access to a wider range of plants these days. He is cultivating new crops like quinoa, and Tse Tse (Foxtail millet), which are native Ladakh millets that are rarely grown these days. Since 2014, green peas have been grown extensively throughout Ladakh because of factors including climate change that favours such crops, but more importantly because of increasing commercialisation of agriculture, as green peas have high market demand inside and outside Ladakh. A variety of relatively novel vegetables are today grown, such as cauliflower, cabbage, beetroot, and various turnip varieties.

One of the many changes in agriculture that people in the mountains are facing is a lack of water, especially during times of great need.  It is imperative that water be given to the fields by the end of March or the start of April. Variable weather patterns cause glaciers to hold onto water by not melting during the seeding season. June 21st marks the change of the days, so in July there will still be a water shortage. Another impact of climate change on agriculture is from increasing likelihood and severity of glacial lake outburst floods, which have had catastrophic impacts on downstream villages, such as in Gya village in 2007, 2009, and 2014.

Land use

The perspective of agri-entrepreneur Rinchen Yutol from Reetsot in Ladakh highlights the rapid changes in the past decade, which may present both challenges and opportunities.

The conversion of agricultural lands into concrete structures poses a significant challenge, and reversing this process is often impractical. This irreplaceable loss reduces self-reliance in food and increases dependency on imported foods. Such dependency increases vulnerability in the case of any disruptions (like fuel shortages, or road closures) in the transportation network across the Himalaya. Additionally, the fragmentation of agricultural lands due to nuclear families can further reduce the overall agricultural land use.

Chortens and fields of Markha | Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Fertilisers

Synthetic fertilisers have been used in Ladakh since about the late 1970s, supplied by the government at highly subsidised rates. Three main synthetic fertilisers are used: urea, DAP (diammonium phosphate), and MOP (Muriate of Potash/potassium chloride). Data from the Agriculture Department and Mission Organic Development Initiative of Ladakh show that in general, quantities of synthetic fertiliser use are decreasing in Ladakh. This trend is reflective of the Hill Council’s new vision to make Leh District fully organic within 10 years. This is very encouraging, since the more fertilisers are used, the more they disrupt the availability of natural nitrogen in the soil, which requires more fertilisers – a chemical addiction!

Besides the loss of livestock manure, the shift to flush toilets and septic tanks accompanying tourism – especially but not only in Leh – is also depriving the soil of rich human manure from traditional compost toilets.

To supplement local supplies, there are new initiatives to bring animal manure from Changthang for use in villages in the farming districts of Ladakh, and the government is also importing organic manure from Punjab. While this is certainly a welcome change from chemical fertilisers, transporting manure and compost also carries an environmental cost in terms of fuel consumption and diesel smoke exhaust. A future challenge will therefore be to generate organic manure and compost closer to where it is to be used, to reduce transport costs and pollution, and to keep valuable local nutrients recycling through local soils. Aggressive promotion of compost toilets, restaurant and residential food scrap collection and composting, and other initiatives could play a role in regenerating the local compost economy.

Seeds

One of the most crucial factors to consider when examining the changes in any region’s agriculture is the seed. The availability of native or local seeds is impacted by the decline in production of native or older crops. The majority of seeds for vegetables that are currently offered by the government or in the market are or hybrid seeds, which have the potential to alter the agricultural landscape of Ladakh, and have implications for the food sovereignty of the region and the economic independence of its farmers.

Traditional threshing of harvest in Lamayuru | Photo:Wikimedia Commons

Mechanisation

Dependence on fossil fuel energy has also been increasing in agriculture and pastoralism, as traditional tools, draught animals and techniques are replaced by mechanical, gas-powered threshing machines, mills, ploughs, tractors, etc. In Changthang, pick-up trucks and jeeps are steadily replacing draught animals, which impact the topsoil of the rangelands. This transition also increases dependency on the money economy and outside jobs to pay for hiring or buying the machines and the fuel to power them.

Conclusion

The shift away from the traditional farming and food system in Ladakh, combined with forces like tourism, is clearly having very undesirable environmental impacts. If both public health and the environment are being degraded by this shift, then maybe it is time to rethink, change direction and regenerate the local food economy. How could this happen? The Hill Council’s commitment to making Ladakh an organic farming region is a very encouraging first step. Additionally, the optimism and enthusiasm shown by individuals like Acho Urgain and Rinchen Youtol are encouraging. Their deep understanding of the importance of agriculture in the current era, both economically and beyond, suggests a potential for positive change. Initiatives that focus on sustainable and innovative agricultural practices, coupled with educational programs to raise awareness about the significance of agriculture, can contribute to the revival and retention of this essential sector. In what other ways can the government and local people support such a change, discouraging packaged junk food while encouraging a return to traditional crops, restoration of livestock herds, village renewal, and so on? How can arable land be protected in perpetuity for farming? Can modern farm machines be powered by local, renewable energy? How can young people addicted to junk food rediscover and revalue healthy local foods? What role can tourists play in supporting local, organic food and farming? These and many other questions will need to be urgently answered.

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Dhankar: From ancient towards modernity
Dhankar, the village on the cliff | Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Dhankar: From ancient towards modernity

Himkatha

Dhankar is a historical village of Spiti which used to be its capital in ancient times. Where the Namgyal dynasty of Ladakh ruled for centuries. Due to the great distance between Ladakh and Spiti, feudal lords were appointed in Spiti and given the title of Nono. The Nono managed administration of Spiti by appointing people to collect taxes and manage other village-level works. Dhankar witnessed many attacks and looting by external forces.  Even today, one can see signs of these attacks on the walls and pillars of the old palace. After independence, Spiti was first administered by the Punjab government and was subsequently merged into the new State of Himachal Pradesh when it was created.

Farming is the chief source of income in Dhankar. The importance of farming can be seen clearly in many of our festivals and rituals. Namkan is a festival celebrated in the seventh and eighth month of the year in which villagers pray for a good harvest. On that day, people ride horses and throw stones at a fake sheep made of ghee and the winner is given a prize. The crop is harvested a few days after this festival. In our village, agriculture depends on water from the lake above the village. However, the lack of snowfall in winter is affecting our water supply from the lake. The water level has fallen by nearly 50% in the past 20-25 years because of which villagers face a lot of problems with farming. While yak and churu (a yak-cow hybrid) were used to plough fields, they have mostly been replaced by various farm equipment. Power tillers are used to plough the fields, while machines are used to chop crop residue. Earlier the local crops included wheat, barley and mustard. Today’s crops include pulses, peas, cauliflower, and potato. Horticulture is also being adopted widely as it is helping increase farm incomes. In addition to this, people have multiple options to earn a livelihood. One can earn a respectable amount running homestays and hotels, driving a taxi or working as tourist guides. But despite all these changes, farming remains the primary source of income for the people of Dhankar. And the future of farming depends on our sources of water, which are fast disappearing.

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Traditional Farming in Spiti

Traditional Farming in Spiti

Himkatha
After the snow melts on the high peaks around the villages of Spiti, the hard working people start their annual summer works - livestock are taken to the grasslands for grazing and people get busy preparing for agriculture season. Barley, potatoes and green peas are cultivated in the month of May and the crop is harvested at the end of August. It is then the valley gets a shade of green on its barren brown mountains.
Spiti receives very less average rainfall. The locals can not depend on rain for irrigation. The solution for this was found centuries ago and is still in practice. The melted snow water from the glaciers flows down in the valley and is directed through kulhs (water channels) to the fields.

This process takes hours of hard work. The villagers, mostly women, start curing the fields in the month of June when the small stems of green pea plants can be seen in the fields.

In old days, people cultivated only barley and black peas for self- consumption, but around 1960s, the H.P govt. started promoting the cultivation of green peas, potatoes and other cash crops. In recent years, the region is gaining keen interest on cultivation of sea-buckthorn; the wonder berries rich in vitamin C.
The concept of organic farming, which has become well known in the last decade, is not new to Spiti. Crops like black pea and barley still remain free from any chemicals. So the next time you have Sampa (local Spitian barley flour), you can be certain of its purity!
The green peas of Spiti are sold at a premium when they reach the market but people face the problem of connectivity. There is a major delay for the crop to reach the markets.
Despite many problems, the people of Spiti live with happiness and pride. They will be more than happy to have you as their guest. When my friend and I were trekking through distant villages, we tried to offer them money as a token of our gratitude for their amazing hospitality. No one accepted it and yet they asked us to come back again. We soon found a way to thank them. After saying bye to them, we would put the money in their pockets and run away!
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Reflections on farming life
Photo: Panma Gyatso

Reflections on farming life

Himkatha

I was born in Hango (11,500 ft) which is a remote village in the Hangrang valley of Kinnaur. I am 72 years old and have spent my life in this village as an agro-pastoral farmer. Agriculture is very important to us. When I look back, I now realise that some of my most treasured memories of my village are related to agriculture and food. One of my favourite and most vivid childhood memories is from the time chulli (apricot) season arrived. Our village did not have any chulli trees, so our elders would go to the nearby village of Leo and get chulli for us. When they arrived, all the children of the village would run to the common ground to grab as much as possible in our little hands. Women would also find time during the day to enjoy chulli with each other under the winter sun. Relishing chulli was a communal affair. The seeds were saved to make prized chulli oil (750 ml for INR 2000/ USD 27).

Photo: Panma Gyatso

My other happiest memories are of the festivities and celebrations we had after the harvest. Until a few years back, we had an isolated winter in Hango. So we had to work really hard during the summers to ensure we had enough grains to survive the harsh winters. After gruelling work in the short summer season, the celebrations were especially sweet. Our harvest back then was of barley, potatoes, black peas and cheena/chize (local name). Cheena & barley were used to make flour for thukpa (soups) and salma (local bread). During the festivities we would make various dishes like tolopa, chulipanting (sweet apricot). Communally preparing and eating added exponentially to the taste of these dishes.

Barley was and continues to be used for making local alcohol like chhang and arak. No one, now, grows cheena. The seeds are also very hard to come by. It has completely vanished. Black peas & barley cultivation has also reduced and mainly taken over by the cash crops like green peas, apple, cauliflower etc. Due to increase in connectivity with the outside world, wheat and rice which were only heard of back in my days, have now become staple food. Salma, tolopa, chulipanting etc which were favorites of all age groups are now hardly prepared.

With our generation most of the traditional dishes are also fading away. I am hoping that we can slowly shift back to our traditional crops, as they grow best in our landscape, with focus on apricots for better economic gains. This way we will be able to ensure sustainable growth from agriculture.

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Agricultural Practices in Spiti Valley
Photo: Prasenjeet Yadav

Agricultural Practices in Spiti Valley

Himkatha

“Ney yotna chukpo sam, nor yotna mak”
“Those who have barley are rich, not the ones with money”
Spitian Proverb, Anonymous

Ever since my childhood days, I was very curious to know about the agricultural practices of Spiti valley – traditional crops we grow and how farming happens in a cold Himalayan desert. Like any Spitian youngster growing up I used to help my family with agricultural works whenever I am at home for holidays or during the peak harvesting season but I never got the opportunity to help them for the whole season. But last year, due to an ongoing pandemic, when I came home, I realized it was a good opportunity for me to understand agricultural practices first hand. I helped my family through whole process right from scattering ashes in the snow covered fields to prepare the field for ploughing to cleaning dried-up water canals before harvest season to helping during peak season of ploughing and harvesting. I also wanted to learn about the history of agriculture in Spiti valley and the elders in my family shared some interesting insights with me.

Photo: Lobzang Tandup

Traditionally, the people living in this valley grew barley and black peas for sustenance. They used barley grains to make Sampa (flour) or Arak (traditional alcohol). They also used barley and black peas to barter it with traders from Changthang who in turn would give Lena (Pashmina) and Khullu (Yak wool) in the 1960s however, things started to change in the valley. People started growing cash crops like green peas and potatoes as access to outside markets improved due to development of key roadways. Now, barley and black peas are grown only for self-consumption and are only a small share of the total agricultural production.

Agriculture in Spiti lasts only for six months. It’s the most crucial time for all the farmers. Although the sowing season starts only in April, the preparations start months before. The seeds are either procured or developed and stored safely during the winters. When the snow first melts around mid-April, the farmers plough their fields with the best resource they have – Yak or a pair of Dzo and seeds are scattered by hand, but these days people use tractors, ploughing machines and even tillers are used. Ploughing the field is a two person job, but sometimes the whole family can be seen in the fields helping out the parents. In Spiti, one’s family, relatives and friends are one’s greatest resources. Farming is very communal in nature. Everyone helps each other and sometimes even 3-4 families work collectively.

Photo: Lobzang Tandup

The system of communal farming helps ease the burden of marginal farmers who do not own Yak – they collaborate with Khangchen households (Zamindar family), borrow Yak for ploughing the field and in turn repay through their labour. Yaks are an effective but an expensive farming asset and not everyone can afford to buy and maintain them. The system works because it is based on a reciprocal relationship between Khang-chen (Big Zamindar) and Khang-chung (Small farmers) households and resource and labour are shared communally. Sometimes, the members of the Khang-chen household lend a piece of land for a few years to the Khang-chung household for farming. They do not have to necessarily repay through capital but the Khang-chung family can repay the benevolence through their labour works in the Khang-chen family – for instance, they can help the Khang-chen family during ploughing and harvesting season. This system is called “Shey” in Spitian.

The relationship between people, wildlife and nature go beyond utilitarian aspects. It is heavily influenced by cultural values and local practices around it. For instance, many Spitian households have unique names for their agricultural land which is a helpful marker of identification of one’s land and also carries meaningful ecological symbolism: “Chup- ja” (water-bird) is named for agricultural lands that resemble the shape of long-necked water cranes. “Ti-rik” is named for lands that resembles local barley-flour delicacy, “Dorgya-ma” is named for agricultural lands which is full of stones or pebbles owing to its hilly terrain, “Yur-yok” is referred to lands located beneath a water canal and “Phe-kak” (meaning half in Spitian) is often given to agricultural lands of “Khang-chung” families (small farmers) who gain their land after ancestral subdivision from Khang-chen family (big zamindari household).

There are a lot of farming songs and prayers that people hum while toiling in their fields. Farmers sing particular songs at every step. The songs have rich meanings related to farm works, weather conditions and comprises of odes and incantations towards local deities pleading for bountiful harvest. “Om Mani Padme Hung” – the holy Buddhist mantra is chanted while ploughing which symbolises farmer’s gratitude and compassion for Yaks and Dzos who toil so hard in our fields. “Laso- ho” is chanted in merriment to ease the stress and fatigue of animals when they plough in harsh weather.

As soon as the ploughing is done, the farmers wait for the first crop or sapling to grow a little before the cycle of irrigation begins (Yurma). This period is usually after 40 days from the day of sowing. Water is a scarce resource and there are local systems of water distribution and management called “Chu-rey” (water turns) entirely handled by women of the village. A group of women is appointed to take charge for the season to ensure timely, equitable distribution of water to each household. The Khang-chen (big zamindar) households have more access to water resources – they have frequent water-turns (chu-rey) and more water is allotted in their canals for irrigation. They also have more authority in decision-making as they are the original tax-payers of the land and have earned that right historically. Owing to scanty precipitation, irrigation becomes a daunting task – women get busy with watering works (Yurma) for over 2 months till the crops are fully ripe.

Photo: Lobzang Tandup

The green pea crop gets ready around June in low-lying villages (Kaza, Tabo, Rangrik, Pin) and August in villages in elevated regions (Demul, Komic, Langza, Hikkim, Kibber and Chicham) . These crops are then transported and sold in Delhi and other nearby states. The produce from Spiti is considered of highest quality as the farmers do not use any insecticide, pesticide or weedicide in their fields. Instead they only rely on animal and human waste as manure. The sweet taste of green peas from Spiti valley is the result of unique farming techniques and hard-work of the people who do not give up despite harsh conditions and scarce resources.

The cropping patterns of green peas and barley are different. Green pea, although is the primary source of livelihood for the farmers, requires much more work and tends to consume more water. Barley is a traditional crop of Spiti that is favoured more by farmers due to its low input requirements, better adaptability to harsh conditions and is considered drought/disease resilient. Barley crops and black peas (kala matar) can be harvested later around August-September when the work around green-peas is done. The remaining grass residues are collected to use for fodder or as a livestock feed for animals during winter.

Most Spitian households own a flat ground near their agricultural field called “Ul-tak” where separation of straw and barley (Khu-yuk) are done, cut grasses are brought and flours are grinded. The grains are finally stored in village. A group of women is appointed to take charge for the season to ensure timely, equitable distribution of water to each household. The Khang-chen households have more access to water resources – they have frequent water-turns (chu-rey) and more water is allotted in their canals for irrigation. They also have more authority in decision-making as they are the original tax-payers of the land and have traditional go-downs/storage called “Bhang” for better preservation.

Agriculture is the lifeline of Spitians and it is not just a livelihood means for us, but a way of life. Our tradition, cultural values and regional ethos revolve around agrarian practices. Many local Spitian proverbs (pera) are reflective of that knowledge. I am sharing few as recounted by elders:

Nyima dot la mata, Dotpa chung la mata
Do not rely on the sun’s warmth nor your appetite. This proverb talks about the importance of being alert, active and prepared when one is undertaking any agricultural work. When one leaves home in the morning for the field, a farmer has to be ready for any unpredictability – nor the pleasant heat of sun or one’s appetite at that point can be relied on.

Soye me phung, nyal phung
There will be agricultural loss not when you eat but when you sleep/laze around.

Ley betna, sey nyong
If you work hard, there will be a bountiful harvest.

Ney yotna chukpo sam, nor yotna mak

Those who have barley are rich, not the ones with money.

I am not an expert in farming or possess rich knowledge but I would like to share some suggestions, the ecosystem in the trans-Himalayan region is very fragile. Excessive focus on cash crops like green peas won’t be sustainable for the long run. We need to incorporate traditional crops like barley as well as black peas which are more suitable to local conditions. We should think about long term ecological sustenance and food security for the entire community. Cooperative societies, local management should work in a collaborative manner to fetch fair prices to our farmers. Youngsters should realize that although modern farming and technology are easier and more convenient, nothing beats natural farming technique and indigenous knowledge of the people.

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A day in the life of a young farmer
Photo: Vicky

A day in the life of a young farmer

Himkatha

There’s an air of celebration when the agricultural season begins in my village. It is time to end the dormancy of long winter days and come out and start preparing the fields. I remember enjoying working in the fields and on the days when the fields had to be ploughed, I used to try to take leave from school on the pretext of doing some necessary work. We used to take out all the farming tools, clean it and check for any repairs. A day earlier, our bulls were also brought from another village and were prepared for ploughing. The excitement would not let me sleep and I would think of all possible excuses to take leave form school so I could and help my family in the field.

The next day, my grandfather would make a barley offering to the local deity Jogani. After the prayers everyone would take the offerings as blessings and proceed to prepare for the day. Before going to the fields, we would place flowers in the horns of the bulls. All the equipment and the bulls were then taken to the agriculture fields. I would also help out in guiding the bulls to the field which would give me immense pleasure. For traditional rituals, my mother would bring roasted barley (kha) & local alcohol (chhang) to the fields. We would then gather the bulls in teams of 2 and attach the plougher to them. After that we would offer chaang, kha and our prayers to our fields facing east (to garner the sun’s positive energy into our lives).

Photo: Vicky

My family would then begin the hardwork of ploughing the fields which would last a few days. The fields which were harder to plough, were then ploughed with the help of Shaalu – my favourite mare. Unfortunately, I would never get permission from school to take off for a full day, so after the rituals, I had to rush to the school! Lunch for the farmers was prepared in the community hall and was served every day at 12:30 pm. For the bulls, the farmer would prepare Pinniyan balls of barley dough Sattu kneaded with local alcohol Chaang. This would give them strength for the remaining day’s work. After resting for an hour after lunch the farmers would get back to work. In the evening, the farmers would have tea and local bread puri at 6, around the same time we would return from school. We would help out our parents till the sunset and then head back home. If there was any time left before it got dark, we would level out the uneven fields. The blades of the plough would be replaced by a plank of wood and the bulls would then walk the fields levelling it. To add extra weight, my sibling and I would fight to climb onto the plank. By the end we would be covered in mud. We had an amazing childhood.

Farming life has changed drastically. The new age equipment gets the job done quickly but it’s not a celebration like the old times. Earlier whole family would partake in the ploughing, sowing and harvest process, now it’s a one person job. These equipment have in some way facilitated migration as now women single-handedly manage the fields. Bulls are replaced by power tillers and are rarely seen in any village. Agriculture was not just about growing produce for sustenance, but it was a way to form connections with our land, our animals and nature. And now, I see those connections fade.

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Beyond Agriculture
Photo: Tashi Angroop

Beyond Agriculture

Himkatha

Agriculture has made considerable progress in Himalayan states. One of the major changes in the mountain farming system is from subsistence to commercial farming practice. There’s a curious move towards high-value cash crops and diversification of cropping patterns. With connectivity and better exposure, farmers in these landscapes are increasingly becoming more innovative. Their approach in production, managing supply chains, and marketing are aimed at higher returns from farming. The New Age farmers from High Himalayan villages are more experimental and are more focused on searching for niches -apples, cash crops, fruits, exotic vegetables, flowers. Their engagement with farming goes beyond survival and sees it as an economically lucrative option for themselves and others associated in the value chain. Stories of such individuals dismiss stereotypical myths about farming and show how it can be adopted in changing times.

Photos: Tashi Angroop

Tashi Angroop from Tinno village in Lahaul (H.P) dons more than one hat. He is a farmer, passionate entrepreneur, and agri-businessman who cultivates traditional grains, experimented and scaled up the cultivation of exotic vegetables in Todh valley, and is also initiating agro-tourism in his village. He started his journey in 2007 when he got an opportunity to work with World Bank’s Project in Lahaul promoting Seabuckthorn nurseries. Further collaboration with the Department of Horticulture on Desert Development Program (DDP) deepened his experience of developing poplar tree nurseries and building seabuckthorn nurseries. With Jain Irrigation System, he extensively traveled in Himachal Pradesh covering 11 districts to understand diverse cultivation processes within the state and train locals in nursery building. He took a leap at his own venture in 2014 when he decided to take up farming as a full-time vocation. He took land on lease in his village to cultivate organic vegetables and experiment with the cultivation of exotic vegetables which is a fairly new intervention in Lahaul back then. He began by procuring 1000 potato seeds (1000 Katta) and started growing them in his field. Initially, it was just potatoes, green peas, and cauliflower.

Over the years, Tashi gradually started diversifying and began cultivating more varieties of exotic vegetables and made efficient use of farming technologies and irrigation facilities. He now cultivates 19 varieties (mostly European exotic vegetables) vegetables in his field including broccoli, Iceberg lettuce, Red leaf, Yellow leaf lettuce, green leaf lettuce, Squash (Jugni), Yellow & green zucchini, celery, parsley, leek, snow peas, fennel, European carrots, red cabbages, other herbs, and exotic roots, etc. He introduced the same to many villages in Todh valley (Tinno, Gaimur, Jispa, Chika, and Sumdo) in Lahaul where farmers are now able to grow vegetables during off-seasons and sell them at a premium rate in metropolitan markets. Within his own community, he became the face of changing agricultural practices and popularized the phrase “Tel bharo, Kheti Karo” in Lahaul where he encouraged young farmers to adopt improved technologies like tillage machines and JCBs to do farming. In many instances, he even lent his own JCB and tiller machines to help people till rocky barren lands for farming.

The farming communities in Todh valley of Lahaul are now incorporating off-season vegetables along with traditional cereal crops. Different farming technologies like power tillers, tractor, power bidders, grass cutter, spray machine, sprinklers to improve the yield. Compared to Spiti the neighboring district, Lahaul receives more rain which is suitable for cultivation, potatoes, green peas, hops, cabbages, and other exotic vegetables and herbs. In fact, Lahauli potatoes are considered some of the best in the country and it is believed that these crops have brought prosperity to Lahaul.

Composting is an essential requirement to grow exotic vegetables and locals rely heavily on vermicomposting. Most Lahauli households have separate vermicompost structure at their home. Tashi himself annually prepares around 17 tonnes of compost to use it in his fields. He adds “We use jungle wastes like wild leaves, raw leaves, dry leaves, Juniper leaves, and other organic waste inlcuding manure, human waste, and Kenchua (organic manure)”. “Every household prepares compost 3-4 times in the unit and use it in their field to improve soil fertility”.

Photos: Tashi Angroop

With time, locals were also able to enhance irrigation system and equip technologies which is more efficient and convenient. Earlier water resources are distributed among farming households on a rotational basis. There’s a watering turn for everyone and a farmer has to wait for about 6 days to receive his share of water to irrigate the fields. With improved irrigation systems in most Lahauli villages, the watering turns have almost disappeared. Direct pipes were connected from glacial sources to Kuccha Kuls (field canals) and every household have direct access to it. Tashi enthusiastically adds “one can finish the irrigation within 3-4 hours now! Almost unthinkable in the past.” Almost 90 percent of Lahauli villages are relying on piped or drip irrigation systems. There’s an increased use of sprinklers and rain gun watering systems.

With improved road connectivity, better transportation system, and the availability of new crop inputs like hybrid seeds and organic fertilizers, the farmers in the hilly region of Lahaul are able to fetch gain higher yields and better prices. The returns from the sale of vegetables are five times higher than that of traditional crops. There’s a high demand for exotic vegetables in metropolitan cities and Lahauli cultivators are now able to sell their produce in Delhi, Chandigarh, Ahmedabad, Surat, etc. The farmers from Todh, Turat and Keylong have collectivized and formed a union of 101 farming households to provide better market exposure and greater revenues for the local producers.

Some of the initiatives include farmers market, over-the-counter payment system for the farmers, and also experimenting with the concept of “one village, one crop” where each village will focus on producing a single crop unique to their area and giving better opportunities for farm entrepreneurs. The farmer’s union will be collaborating with big hotel chains like Taj to supply them year-round vegetables.

Opening up of Atal Tunnel has also huge impact on farming in Lahaul. There’s surge in tourists flocking in the valley and farmers are keen on integrating agriculture and tourism. They have initiated farm-based enterprises like camps and homestays where tourists can take part in the sowing process, harvesting, procuring vegetables, and immerse themselves in rural agricultural life with locals during their stay. Tashi’s own farm camp in Tinno and Keylong attracts a lot of tourists. He shares that the motive is to give them first-hand experience of agriculture, self-cooking and be part of the collective experience of the landscape. Cultivators like Tashi show that there can be a more forward-looking approach for agriculture and it can harp beyond the traditional way of life. With greater solidarity, there’s positive hope for farming in high Himalayan landscapes to empower small farmers.

Packaging process (left), compost facility (right) | Photos: Tashi Angroop

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My farming memories
Photo: Vikram Katoch

My farming memories

Himkatha

I spent my whole childhood in a small hamlet called Garang in Lahaul. In the summers my sister and I would help our grandmother with the household chores and in in the fields. She would cultivate green peas, potatoes and wheat. In Lahaul, the sowing season starts from mid-March. Villagers would first clear the snow from the fields and then start sowing various seeds. Green peas and cauliflower seeds are sown first followed by potatoes. Farming is the sole livelihood of many villagers and before ploughing, people pray to their fields, the tools and the baang (oxen) in hope of a good harvest. After ploughing, the farmers use pickaxe to create small water channels in the fields. Our grandmother would let me and my sister do this task. She would instruct us on how to do this carefully and correctly. She would then add seeds of green peas after us. After covering the field with seeds, she would level it using long dry twigs.

Potato field in Lahaul (left) Fields in Lahaul (right) | Photo: Vikram Katoch

We used to eagerly wait for the seedlings to grow. It would take around 30 to 45 days for the first seedlings to emerge. This was the time when the weeds would be removed and the field would be watered through Kuls. Unlike traditional crops, most of the fields like green peas and cauliflower, require frequent watering – once in every 15-20 days. Around June flowers will start blooming in green peas fields and by August, the crops are ready. Harvesting season is the most important and everyone in the family will help collect the ripe peas. Since there is no farmers market/cooperative for peas in Lahaul, we are often forced to sell their produce to private dealers at meagre sum.

Photo: Vikram Katoch

Similarly potatoes are also grown in our village. Each household prepares their own seed by keeping sacks of potatoes in a pit during the winters. When spring arrives, the seeds are unearthed and prepared. The beds laid for potatoes are deeper than that of green peas and are placed 5 to 6 inches apart from each other. The seeds are buried deep in the soil to ensure high and good production of potatoes. When the seedlings emerge, the fields are watered and by September the harvest is almost ready. The leaves from the plant are removed a few days before uprooting the plants. This helps to thicken the potato skin, thus making them more long-lasting. The potato harvest is ready by early October and the whole valley is suddenly humming with trucks collecting produce and taking it to the market. There are times when it’s even difficult to find trucks in Lahaul and the farmers have to arrange trucks from the nearest town. Farming has changed a lot since my grandmother’s days – increasing mechanization has certainly filled the gap of labour shortage but many households still struggle to find good market exposure.

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